The left understands Gorsuch to represent the non-political temperament it would exclude from the court, so as to broaden the ability to impose on the American people (bless their pointed heads) plans and objectives for which they have not asked. The left, this time, may not get away with it. Too many of us see what its spokesmen and propagandists are really up to.
Groups on the right, such as Americans for Limited Government, and like-minded lawmakers, including Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, are pressing GOP leaders to circumvent the parliamentarian this year. They argue that the House version, as written, doesn't have enough GOP votes to pass, so Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., will have no choice but to add more provisions that Freedom Caucus members want, such as getting rid of the insurance mandate and required "essential" benefits.
McConnell doesn’t even need to use the nuclear option to destroy a filibuster of Gorsuch on the Supreme Court, though to do so is more than warranted by Schumer’s irresponsible statements. It might even be more entertaining were he to require, in order to sustain the filibuster, that the Democrats actively hold the Senate floor. He ought to tell Schumer to supply his people with lots of Red Bull, protein bars, and adult diapers, if they planned on filibustering Gorsuch — because they’d be up all night.
The confirmation fight over Session has been intense, but it is merely a prelude to the domestic Cold War confrontation we will see over Supreme Court nominations. If Trump names pro-life constitutionalists — as he has promised — the battle cry then must be taken from Ronald Reagan: We win, they lose.
Although it is early, we like what we see in Josh Mandel, particularly his fiscal conservatism and his willingness to tell it like it is about the war Islam has declared on the West.
The Coalition to Reduce Spending has created “What’s my Congressman’s Number,” a new project for spending accountability. When it launches in 2017, everyday Americans will be able to view, in real time, how much money their Representatives and Senators are spending.
Now, Mr. Sessions will once again face the United States Senate to be President Donald Trump’s attorney general. The same liberal special interest groups in Washington who thwarted him 30 years ago have declared that they aim to do the same to him this time.
Still nursing their wounds after last week’s thrashing, Democrats already are grappling with how to defend 10 senators up for reelection in 2018 in states that Donald Trump carried, some resoundingly. Republicans are targeting a quintet of senators from conservative states where Trump walloped Hillary Clinton: Montana, Missouri, Indiana, North Dakota and West Virginia. The GOP could amass a filibuster-proof majority by running the table in those states and other battlegrounds.
Republican Senate candidates spent most of the election season running away from Donald Trump, fearful that supporting him would sink their campaigns and cost their party the Senate majority. And yet it was in part Trump’s shocking electoral-college victory against Hillary Clinton that helped Republicans hold the upper chamber against long odds.
Mr. Reid’s leadership changed the Senate dramatically but often carelessly. The upper chamber had traditionally been collegial, high-minded, cautious. During Mr. Reid’s tenure as majority leader from 2007 to 2015, it became more like the House. There was less time for serious floor debates and amendments. Decorum suffered. So did bipartisanship.
So far, down-ballot contests look less like the straight-ticket battles of recent years, in which few candidates ran significantly ahead of or behind party nominees. Instead, they look more like 1970s and 1980s contests, in which many incumbents and challengers, mostly Democrats but also Republicans, continually improvised and created individual personas tailored to their constituencies and capable of distinguishing them from unpopular national party leaders.
Do not for a moment think Elizabeth Warren is barnstorming the country now only to elect Hillary Clinton. She’s getting out the vote to make sure Elizabeth Warren is in position next year to co-run the government from Capitol Hill.
Turnout has been declining, not increasing, during the Obama years, and the Clinton campaign is clearly worried about low turnout, especially among millennials. The Senate and House contests may turn on which side's turnout sags most.
Our economy and security are increasingly dependent on the Internet. We should not be taking a blind leap into the unknown. But that is exactly what the Obama administration is proposing by handing over control of the Internet to an unelected body that includes anti-constitutional authoritarian governments and state sponsors of terrorism.
In 1996, when asked if she would run for office, Clinton responded "Not in this lifetime." Now she could be our next president after being a New York senator, and being appointed Secretary of State. Never say never, Michelle.
The nature of the Senate map, in which Republicans are defending more than twice as many seats as Democrats, always meant the GOP would be playing defense this year. But the Trump-led disaster that Republicans once feared has yet to develop, which has party strategists in high spirits.
Our friends at the Competitive Enterprise Institute just released an analysis of the Republican and Democratic Party platforms on energy and climate issues. The analysis shows there is a stark difference between the two Parties, a difference that shows Democrats are strangely out of synch with public opinion on this issue.
After grandstanding and shouts of “do something!” the Senate had four gun control options on which to vote Monday night. None of them passed. Absolutely nothing was accomplished. As per usual, the Senate is back to square zero. The good news: At least the Democrats didn’t get their way.
Perhaps telling, it's GOP operatives in Florida who are most convinced that Rubio is going to run. Rubio's team has been organizing and preparing to launch a 2016 Senate campaign for weeks, one veteran Florida Republican strategist said.
The first step to improving his rancorous relationships, the Texas senator’s allies say, will be to help them keep their Senate seats. The freshman senator wants to return to the campaign trail this fall as a conservative surrogate for Republicans aiming to turn out the GOP base, they say.